大多数公司,从社交媒体和技术公司到零售商和国防公司,将其数据标签外包给专门从事这项工作的公司。 大部分标注公司的数据寻找廉价劳动力。
Ma 称公司将工作外包给全球南方——肯尼亚、印度尼西亚、哥伦比亚和其他地方。 “因此,世界各地的人们必须读取AI制作的儿童色情制品的后一段、最佳色情、暴力内容或其他内容,以便训练AI安全。”
Ma 称是AI殖民主义的精髓——从全球南方抽取困难而低薪的劳工来西方牟取利润。
绘制电力结构图
Ma的目标是揭开人工智能链,她使用现有的数据数据库,给公司及其公司客户贴上标签,以及她自己的原始数据数据库,给公司交付中心贴上标签,这是数据工作者所在地的代名词。 地图绘制了连接这些节点的线条。 以其目前的形式,揭示在13个数据标签公司、141个公司客户和31个载有数据工人站点的国家之间建立了联系。 地图并非全面审视人工智能链
她的称表示,“当人们想了解大赦国际及其社会影响时,地图将它置于这种更大的经济和政治结构的背景下。”
Suresh Venkatasubramian是布朗的计算机科学教授,领导技术责任、再设想和重新设计中心
“它下面都是人类”,这是AI一代背后的真实故事。 目前围绕大赦国际的许多言论的问题是,它试图忽视这一点。 结果是我们开始围绕AI构建故事,但事实并非如此。 由我们、人民、全世界建造的。
Ma 称希望继续扩展AI劳工地图,例如,很快,她希望绘制半导体产业中被牵连的劳动力图。 作为社会分析和研究集中者,马将这种被称为"动力绘图"的技术视为了解全球权力结构如何影响全球劳动力分布的有效手段。
目前,她认为她的地图是工人互相连接的潜在手段。
Ma 称说,“人们甚至不知道同事。 这就使得工会或任何类似的事情都是不可能的。 也许他们可以使用地图的未来迭代来识别彼此。”
最终,马希望这些关于AI之下权力结构的插图能够使AI劳动力及其战利品得到更公平的分配。
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Most corporations, from social media and tech firms to retailers and defense companies, outsource their data labeling to companies that specialize in it. And most of those data labeling firms look for inexpensive labor.
“How that manifests in reality is that companies outsource that work to the Global South — Kenya, Indonesia, Colombia and elsewhere,” Ma said. “So you have folks around the world who have to read paragraph after paragraph of AI-produced child pornography, bestiality, violent content or whatever else, just to try to train AI to be safe.”
That, Ma says, is the essence of AI colonialism — the extraction of difficult, low-paid labor from the Global South for profit in the West.
Mapping the power structure
Ma’s goal was to uncover that chain of AI labor, which she says is intentionally kept opaque to avoid accountability. She used existing databases of data labeling firms and their corporate customers, as well as her own original database of data labeling firms’ delivery centers, a proxy for where data workers are located. The map draws the lines that connect those nodes. In its current form, it reveals links between 13 data labeling companies, 141 of their corporate customers and 31 countries that contain data worker sites. The map isn’t a comprehensive look at chains of AI labor, Ma says, but she hopes it’s an illustrative one.
“One purpose for this is as a public education tool,” she said. “When people want to learn about AI and its social impact, the map puts it in the context of this larger economic and political structure.”
Suresh Venkatasubramanian, a computer science professor at Brown who leads the Center for Technological Responsibility, Reimagination and Redesign and is Ma’s advisor on the project, says work like this can help people better understand that underneath the algorithms, AI is really an aggregation of human knowledge, understanding and effort.
“It’s all humans underneath,” Venkatasubramanian said. “That’s the real story behind the generation of AI. The problem with a lot of current discourse around AI is that it seeks to ignore that. The result is that we start constructing stories around AI as its own sentient being, as something that’s alive. But it’s not. It’s something that’s built — something that’s constructed by us, by people, all across the world.”
Ma says she hopes to continue expanding the map of AI labor, and to map other aspects of the materiality that lies beneath the algorithms. Soon, for example, she hopes to map the labor implicated in the semiconductor industry. As a social analysis and research concentrator, Ma sees this technique, known as power mapping, as an effective means of understanding how global power structures influence the distribution of labor worldwide.
For now, she sees her map as a potential means for workers to connect to each other.
“One of the things about this is that it’s distributed,” Ma said. “People don't even know about their fellow co-workers. That makes unionizing or anything like that just kind of impossible. Maybe they can use a future iteration of the map to identify each other.”
Ultimately, Ma hopes that these illustrations of the power structures beneath AI might make for a more equitable distribution of AI labor and its spoils.
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